By Artemis Alexiadou, Jorge Hankamer, Thomas McFadden, Visit Amazon's Justin Nuger Page, search results, Learn about Author Central, Justin Nuger, , Florian Schäfer
The current quantity incorporates a choice of papers awarded on the twenty first and twenty second Comparative Germanic Syntax Workshop held on the college of California, Santa Cruz and the college of Stuttgart. The contributions supply insightful discussions of numerous themes of present curiosity for syntactic concept at the foundation of comparative facts from quite a lot of modern and ancient Germanic languages. The theoretical matters explored comprise: the left outer edge, with a couple of contributions relating the professionals and contras of cartographic bills; various facets of note order and the way it arises from move and clause constitution; the interaction of thematic relatives and case idea with the belief of DPs; and the therapy of finiteness and modal buildings. This publication is of curiosity to syntacticians operating in a comparative point of view and to complicated undergraduates.
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The contrasts in (49) are parallel to those in (50) and (51). Focusing on whquestions, Cardinaletti (2007) has expressed the paradigms in (50)–(51) in the generalization (52), which relies on the multiple subject positions approach developed in Cardinaletti (1997), (2004) (see (4)): (52) Generalization: Only subjects in specSubjP are excluded from occurring between the wh-phrase and the verb in wh-questions, whereas subjects in specTP (or lower subject positions) are permitted. The generalization (52) can be extended to RP, as in (53): (53) Generalization (extended to RP): Only subjects in specSubjP are excluded from occurring between a wh-phrase or RP constituent and the verb, whereas subjects in specTP (or lower subject positions) are permitted.
A full subject need not occur in specSubjP to satisfy the Subject criterion and can remain postverbally. The derivation proceeds as follows: the nominal feature on Fin attracts the Resumptive DP into its specifier. The DP further moves to specTopicP. 19. The postverbal position of the subject is not surprising per se because this is independently possible in Italian. What is surprising is that, differently from other instances of postverbal subjects, subject inversion in RP is obligatory and does not depend on information structure (see section 2).
3 Conclusion In conclusion, the properties listed in (41) and (43) support the analysis proposed in (40b), repeated here in (54) for the sentence in (1a): (54) [TopicP la stessa propostai [FinP ti [SubjP [TP fece poi il partito di maggioranza vbli]]] This analysis implies that the construction contains an A′ relation involving genuine quantification, differently from English Topicalization and Italian CLLD, and similarly to wh-movement and Focalization. In what follows, I focus on one of the properties that RP shares with wh-movement and Focalization, namely the restriction against the occurrence of preverbal DP subjects, (43d).
Advances in Comparative Germanic Syntax (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today) by Artemis Alexiadou, Jorge Hankamer, Thomas McFadden, Visit Amazon's Justin Nuger Page, search results, Learn about Author Central, Justin Nuger, , Florian Schäfer